Siempre hay un jefe en la cima de la jerarqua. A veces ste no coincide con quien legalmente tendra que disponer del poder supremo. Las presiones provenientes del descontento de las masas pueden ejercer influencia sobre la direccin de la clase poltica. El jefe de Estado necesita una clase dirigente que lo apoye.
|Published (Last):||3 October 2018|
|PDF File Size:||19.35 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||17.2 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
Life[ edit ] Mosca earned a degree in law from the University of Palermo in In he moved to Rome and took a position as editor of proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy. Having taught occasionally at Palermo and Rome , Mosca became chair of constitutional law at the University of Turin in He would hold this position until , when he settled permanently in Rome to occupy the chair of public law at the University of Rome.
Mosca held several other academic positions throughout his life. He was skeptical towards democracy, and placed his lifelong liberalism in direct opposition to mass democracy. In a interview, he stated: I can certainly call myself an anti-democrat, but I am not an anti-liberal; indeed I am opposed to pure democracy precisely because I am a liberal.
I believe that the ruling class ought not to be monolithic and homogeneous but ought to consist of elements which are diverse in regard to origin and interests; when, instead, political power originates from a single source, even if this be elections with universal suffrage, I regard it as dangerous and liable to become oppressive. Democratic Jacobinism is an illiberal doctrine precisely because it subordinates everything to a single force, that of the so-called majority, on which it does not set any limits.
During this time, he served as Under-secretary for the Colonies from until During this time, Mosca also worked as a political journalist for the Corriere della Sera of Milan after and the Tribuna of Rome from to He served actively in this capacity until In he signed the Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals.
On numerous occasions, the elderly Mosca took to the floor to speak against bills endorsed by Benito Mussolini which intended to curtail political rights and parliamentary institutions. These were Sulla teorica dei governi e sul governo parlamentare Theory of Governments and Parliamentary Government , published in ; Elementi di scienza politica The Ruling Class , published in ; and Storia delle dottrine politiche History of Political Doctrines , published in He named this minority the political class.
That means that every society could be split between two social classes: the one who rules and the one which is ruled. This is always true, for Mosca, because without a political class there is no rule. Although his theory is correctly characterized as elitist, it should be observed that its basis is far different from The Power Elite described by, for example, C. Wright Mills. Unlike Mills and later sociologists, Mosca aimed to develop a universal theory of political society and his more general theory of the Political Class reflects this aim.
These organizational skills were especially useful in gaining political power in modern bureaucratic society. He also adhered to the concept of the circulation of elites, which is a dialectical theory of constant competition between elites, with one elite group replacing another repeatedly over time. That concept came from his materialist idea of history as a conflict between classes Marx , from the conflicted nature of politic considered as a fight for acquisition and department of power Machiavelli and finally from the non-egalitarian and hierarchical structure of society.
Unlike Marx, Mosca has not a linear concept of time, but a circular one, as in classical political theory, which consists in a perpetual condition of conflict and recycle of the elite. Chambliss ed. Yale University Press. Sociology Responds to Fascism.
Teoria delle classi politiche
¿Siempre habrá una élite? “La clase política” de Gaetano Mosca